How to answer
24-mark questions
How to answer 24-mark questions.
Before you start
At a glance
| Where | Paper 1, Section B: liberalism, conservatism or socialism. Paper 2, Section B: the non-core idea your centre studies. |
|---|---|
| Choice | One question from a choice of two |
| Marks | 24: AO1 knowledge and understanding 8, AO2 analysis 8, AO3 evaluation 8 |
| Question stem | “To what extent…?” |
| What it asks | How far an ideology is united or divided on a theme or core idea |
| Essential requirements | Agreement and disagreement between strands; at least two of the named key thinkers for that ideology; a judgement on the extent of unity |
| Suggested time | About 30 minutes: 3–5 to plan, 25 to write |
The timing is a Crossbench suggestion. Pearson sets the length of the whole paper, not a time for each question.
How the question is marked
The question is marked out of 24 in five levels, with equal weight on AO1, AO2 and AO3. Examiners decide which level best fits the answer as a whole, then choose a mark within it. They start in the middle of the level and move up or down depending on how fully the answer meets the description.
| Level | Marks | Knowledge (AO1) | Analysis (AO2) | Evaluation (AO3) |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 5 | 20–24 | Thorough, in-depth and selected effectively | Perceptive comparison, with sustained chains of reasoning | Fully substantiated judgements throughout, leading to a fully justified conclusion |
| 4 | 15–19 | Accurate and carefully selected | Consistent comparison of similarities and differences | Mostly substantiated judgements and a mostly justified conclusion |
| 3 | 10–14 | Mostly accurate | Mostly focused comparison | Generally relevant judgements, only sometimes justified |
| 2 | 5–9 | Some accurate knowledge | Comparison only emerging | Occasional judgements that lead to generic conclusions |
| 1 | 1–4 | Superficial | Limited comparison | Superficial and largely descriptive |
The levels summarised in our own words.
How much balance? It does not have to be 50:50. A 2:1 split either way is fine, and that is exactly what the AG/DIS structure below uses.
| Objective | What it looks like in this question |
|---|---|
| AO1 | Accurate knowledge of the strands and what they believe, supported by key thinkers and precise key terminology. |
| AO2 | Directly comparing strands, explaining why they agree or disagree, not just that they do. |
| AO3 | Weighing the significance of each agreement or disagreement, and building a sustained judgement on extent. |
Reading the question
- Find the theme or core idea, and stay on it.The most common reason good knowledge scores badly is answering a different question.
- Define the key term.When the question names a concept, such as paternalism, patriarchy or the personal is the political, everything depends on understanding it accurately.
Strands and thinkers: the raw material
Lead with strands, not thinkers. The question is about how far the ideology is united, and an ideology divides along its strands. Thinkers are evidence for what a strand believes; they are not the subject of the comparison.
- Weak: “Burke believed… whereas Rand believed…”
- Strong: “Traditional conservatives believe… because…, as Burke argued when… By contrast, the neo-liberal New Right…”
| Ideology | Strands to use | Watch out for |
|---|---|---|
| Conservatism | Traditional; One-Nation; the New Right (with its neo-liberal and neo-conservative wings) | Don’t merge traditional and One-Nation conservatism. Don’t treat neo-liberalism as a strand separate from the New Right. Politicians such as Disraeli and Thatcher are not key thinkers. |
| Liberalism | Classical; modern | Neo-liberalism is not a strand of liberalism in the specification. Don’t treat modern liberalism as a form of socialism. |
| Socialism | Revolutionary socialism; social democracy; the Third Way | “Democratic socialism” is not a specification strand. Terms such as evolutionary, revisionist or fundamentalist can be used alongside the strand names, never instead of them. |
| Feminism | Liberal; socialist; radical; post-modern | Include post-modern feminism properly; don’t just add a paragraph at the end. Avoid working through “waves”. |
| Ideology | Key thinkers |
|---|---|
| Liberalism | John Locke, Mary Wollstonecraft, John Stuart Mill, Betty Friedan, John Rawls |
| Conservatism | Thomas Hobbes, Edmund Burke, Michael Oakeshott, Ayn Rand, Robert Nozick |
| Socialism | Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Rosa Luxemburg, Beatrice Webb, Anthony Crosland, Anthony Giddens |
| Feminism | Charlotte Perkins Gilman, Simone de Beauvoir, Kate Millett, Sheila Rowbotham, bell hooks |
Rules for using thinkers
- At least two key thinkers for the ideology in question. Thinkers from other parts of the course can add to an answer but cannot replace them. For example, Wollstonecraft and Friedan are key thinkers for liberalism, not feminism, and Hobbes is a key thinker for conservatism.
- You don’t need all five. Only use thinkers who are relevant to the question.
- Use their ideas; don’t just name them. “Modern liberals such as Rawls” earns little. Explaining how Rawls’s ideas support the point earns marks.
- Get them right. Recurring errors: Webb labelled a revolutionary; Crosland and Giddens confused; Marx said to support a permanent, all-powerful state, when the state is meant to “wither away”; Mill and Rawls credited with nationalisation; Millett called a difference feminist.
Past paper questions
Questions come in three broad types:
| Type | Examples from past papers |
|---|---|
| One of the four themes (human nature, the state, society, the economy) | Socialism and the economy (2019); conservatism and society (2019); conservatism and the state (2022); liberalism and the economy (2024); socialism and human nature (2025); socialism and the state (2026); feminism and human nature (2019, 2026); feminism and society (2019, 2026); feminism and the economy (2023) |
| A core idea or concept | Liberalism’s fear of the state (2023); liberalism and democracy (2025); conservatism and paternalism (2026); feminism and patriarchy (2022); the personal is the political (2023); equality (2024); sex and gender (2025); the public and private sphere (2025); how society must be changed (2024) |
| Broad unity | Is socialism more disunited than united? (2022); is there more agreement than disagreement in conservatism? (2024); more disagreement than agreement in feminism? (2022); has the Third Way abandoned socialist principles? (2023) |
How to structure your answer
| Part | Purpose | Length |
|---|---|---|
| Introduction | Define key terms; set the scene in one sentence; state your line of argument | About 75 words |
| Three body paragraphs | Compare strands; build the judgement on extent | About 225 words each |
| Conclusion | Justify your line of argument from the content of the essay | About 75 words |
Unlike the 12-mark questions, this question does need an introduction and conclusion.
Choose one of two body structures
| Option 1: AGREE/DISAGREE | Option 2: Thematic |
|---|---|
| Three paragraphs: one on agreement and two on separate areas of disagreement, if your line is that disagreement outweighs agreement. | Three paragraphs, each on a separate theme within the question’s topic. For a question on the state, these might be the state as an agent of change, its economic role and its long-term future. |
| Or two on agreement and one on disagreement, if your line is the reverse. | Each paragraph covers agreement and disagreement on its theme, and ends by explaining which outweighs the other. |
| The 2:1 split itself signals your line of argument. | The exam board have repeatedly praised this structure. |
Inside each body paragraph
- Topic sentence:a clear, direct claim tied to the wording of the question: is there broad agreement or a sharp division here?
- One strand’s view, in detail:what it believes, and why.
- A named key thinkerfrom the specification, with accurate ideas or a short quotation that supports the strand’s view.
- Comparison:set the other strand or strands against it, explaining their view in detail too.
- Interim judgement:weigh how significant this agreement or disagreement is, and link back to the line of argument in your introduction.
- When writing about agreement, explain how and why strands reach the same conclusion despite different theoretical starting points. Use “this leads to…”, “as a result…”, “thus…”, “therefore…” and “for this reason…”.
- When writing about disagreement, pin down the exact point of fracture: the precise belief on which the strands split.
- Integrate the comparison. Do not set strands side by side with a sentence in between. You should look to develop a more integrated approach to comparative analysis, explaining why the strands differ and what the difference means.
Sustaining the judgement on extent
Judgements need to run through the whole essay, not just appear in the introduction and conclusion. Useful wording for judgements on extent:
- “This agreement is significant / limited because…”
- “This is a disagreement over ends rather than means, which makes it more fundamental…”
- “Although the strands share…, this unity is shallow because…”
- “This division outweighs the agreement identified above because…”
- “The exact point of fracture is…”
Exemplar answers
Two model answers: one with an AGREE/DISAGREE structure and one with a thematic structure. Each part of each answer is highlighted and numbered, with a note on why it earns marks. Choose an element, such as Judgement (AO3), to pick out just that part, and select any highlighted passage to find its note.
An AGREE/DISAGREE structure
Question: To what extent does socialism agree over the role of the state?
Structure: AG/DIS: one paragraph on agreement and two on disagreement. Line of argument: disagreement outweighs agreement.
June 2026, Paper 1, Q3(b). Written for Crossbench as a model of the structure, not a real candidate’s answer.
Introduction
The role of the state concerns how far it should be used to achieve socialist goals, from managing the economy to protecting the vulnerable. All three strands of socialism – revolutionary socialism, social democracy and the Third Way – give the state some part in changing society. However, they are deeply divided over whether it should be overthrown, kept or reduced, so socialism disagrees far more than it agrees over the role of the state.
- 1DefinitionPins down the key term, keeping the essay on the state rather than socialism in general.
- 2Context (one sentence)Sets up the debate and names all three specification strands (AO1).
- 3Line of argumentA clear judgement on extent from the first paragraph (AO3).
Paragraph 1: agreement
There is genuine agreement among socialists that the state is an agent of change. Revolutionary socialists believe the capitalist state must be overthrown, yet even Marx and Engels accepted that a temporary workers’ state, the dictatorship of the proletariat, would be needed to dismantle capitalism. Social democrats reach a similar conclusion by a very different path: because they believe capitalism can be reformed rather than abolished, they see the existing state as the means of managing the economy and providing welfare, an approach Crosland defended. The Third Way also gives the state a positive role, as an enabling state that invests in people’s skills and education. As a result, all three strands reject the idea that capitalism, left to itself, will protect the vulnerable, and therefore all look to the state to drive change. This agreement is significant, because it unites strands that otherwise differ sharply over capitalism. However, it is agreement about the state as a means, not about the role it should play in the long term, which is why it is outweighed by the divisions that follow.
- 1Topic sentenceA direct claim tied to the question.
- 2AccuracyThe dictatorship of the proletariat is temporary: avoids the most common socialism error examiners report. Each sentence starts from a strand, with Marx and Engels in support.
- 3Agreement explainedShows how and why strands agree despite different starting points (AO2), rather than just stating it.
- 4Strand-ledLeads with strands, not thinkers, as examiners repeatedly ask.
- 5Interim judgementWeighs the agreement and links it to the line of argument (AO3).
Paragraph 2: disagreement over whether the state should survive
The deepest division is over whether the state should survive at all. Revolutionary socialists see the state as part of the superstructure, an instrument of class oppression controlled by the capitalist economic base. For this reason, Marx and Engels argued that once class divisions had been abolished, the state would wither away, leaving a stateless communist society, while Luxemburg insisted that the existing state could not be reformed and had to be overthrown by revolution. By contrast, the evolutionary strands believe the state can be won through elections and used permanently: social democrats and the Third Way both treat the democratic state as a lasting feature of a fairer society, building on the gradualist tradition of Webb, who expected the state’s role to expand step by step. The exact point of fracture, therefore, is whether the state is a neutral tool that can serve the whole of society, or a weapon of the ruling class that must eventually disappear. This disagreement is fundamental, because it concerns the ends of socialism rather than its methods: one strand seeks to abolish the very state that the others wish to keep.
- 1Strand’s view and whyExplains why revolutionaries hold their view (AO2), using precise terminology (AO1): superstructure, base, class oppression.
- 2Thinkers used accuratelyIdeas are used, not just names: Marx and Engels (“wither away”) and Luxemburg.
- 3Umbrella term used correctlyUses the broader term (“the evolutionary strands”) alongside the strand names and correctly places Webb as gradualist.
- 4Point of fracturePinpoints the exact disagreement.
- 5Interim judgementMeasures the depth of division, the heart of “to what extent” (AO3).
Paragraph 3: disagreement over the state’s economic role
Even the strands that would keep the state disagree sharply over how large its economic role should be. Social democrats believe the state should actively manage a mixed economy, combining some state ownership with a welfare state to achieve greater equality; Crosland was content with the level of state ownership in the UK in the 1950s, arguing that equality should be pursued through welfare and redistribution rather than further nationalisation. In contrast, the Third Way accepts the global free market as the best way of creating wealth, and so reduces the state’s economic role further. Giddens saw the state not as an owner or manager of industry but as an enabling state that sets the framework for competition and invests in human capital. Thus, while both strands see the state as a force for good, they disagree over its purpose: for social democrats it corrects the market to reduce inequality, whereas for the Third Way it equips individuals to succeed within the market. This weakens the agreement identified earlier, because it shows that even strands sharing the state as a tool use it for different ends.
- 1Topic sentenceBuilds on paragraph 2, adding a second, separate area of disagreement.
- 2Distinguishing similar strandsSocial democracy against the Third Way, Crosland against Giddens. It shows the Third Way still gives the state a role and is not unrestricted free-market thinking.
- 3Integrated comparisonContrasts purposes, not just positions.
- 4Interim judgementConnects back to paragraph 1, so the judgement builds across the essay (AO3).
- Thinker countMarx and Engels, Luxemburg, Webb, Crosland, Giddens: well above the minimum of two, and every thinker is relevant.
Conclusion
Socialists agree that the state can be used to bring about change, but this agreement is shallow. They are divided over whether the state should ultimately be abolished or kept and, among those who would keep it, over whether it should correct the market or help individuals compete within it. Because these divisions concern the purpose and survival of the state itself, the disagreements clearly outweigh the agreement.
- 1Measures extent“…shallow…”: a judgement of degree, not a yes or no.
- 2Justifies the line from the essay’s contentPulls together the judgements from all three paragraphs, so nothing new or surprising appears.
- 3Measures extent“…clearly outweigh…”: the final judgement of degree.
A thematic structure
Question: To what extent does conservatism support paternalism?
Structure: Thematic. There are three themes, and each covers agreement and disagreement and ends with an interim judgement. Line of argument: conservatism is more divided than united over paternalism. Target: Level 5, 24/24.
June 2026, Paper 1, Q3(a). Written for Crossbench as a model answer, not a real candidate’s script.
Introduction (72 words)
Paternalism is the belief that those best placed to govern have a duty to act in the interests of others, as a parent does for a child, either by guiding them (soft paternalism) or by imposing on them (hard paternalism). Conservatives broadly agree that society needs order and authority, but they disagree over whether, and how far, authority should act for others’ good. Ultimately, conservatism is more divided than united over paternalism.
- 1DefinitionA precise definition of the key concept, so it cannot be confused with pragmatism, patriarchy or “the state” (AO1).
- 2Soft/hard distinctionSets up the nuance the whole essay uses to measure extent (AO1/AO2).
- 3ContextFrames the debate in one sentence.
- 4Line of argumentA clear judgement on extent from the start (AO3).
Paragraph 1. Theme: the duties of those in power (214 words)
On the duties of those in power, conservatism is partly united, but this unity breaks down over the New Right. Traditional conservatives see society as an organic hierarchy in which each part has its place and its obligations. Burke described society as a partnership between the living, the dead and those yet to be born, so those who inherit power and property also inherit a duty to preserve society for those beneath them. One-Nation conservatives develop this into noblesse oblige: because inequality is natural, the privileged have an obligation to improve the lives of the less fortunate, partly as a moral duty and partly to avoid the unrest that a divided nation might provoke. Thus both strands arrive at paternalism, although traditional conservatives stress the duty to preserve order, while One-Nation conservatives stress the duty to improve conditions. The neo-liberal wing of the New Right, however, rejects this hierarchy of obligation altogether. Seeing society as a collection of atomistic, self-reliant individuals, it denies that any group knows better than individuals what is good for them; Nozick argued that individuals own themselves, so paternal constraints violate their rights. This disagreement outweighs the agreement, because it rejects the very premise of paternalism, that some are better placed to decide for others, rather than merely its extent.
- 1Topic sentenceA direct claim about extent, tied to the theme.
- 2Strand-ledEach point starts from a strand, and the thinkers come after as evidence.
- 3Thinker used, not namedBurke’s partnership between generations, leading to inherited duty: the thinker’s idea is what proves the strand’s view (AO1).
- 4Agreement explainedExplains how two strands reach the same view by different emphases (AO2).
- 5Separating similar strandsDistinguishes traditional from One-Nation conservatism.
- 6Disagreement and whyAtomistic individualism; Nozick’s self-ownership: explains why neo-liberals reject paternalism, not just that they do (AO2).
- 7Interim judgementWeighs the depth of the disagreement, the core of “to what extent” (AO3).
Paragraph 2. Theme: moral and social order (208 words)
On moral and social order, conservatism is more united, although it splits between hard and soft paternalism. All conservatives fear the chaos that would follow a breakdown of authority; Hobbes argued that without a strong sovereign, life would be ‘nasty, brutish and short’. Traditional conservatives therefore favour a state that upholds law, tradition and institutions such as the family and the Church, setting a moral framework from above: a hard paternalism, justified because inherited authority is wiser than individual reason. The neo-conservative wing of the New Right reaches a similar position by a different route. Fearing that permissiveness and moral relativism erode social cohesion, it calls for a strong state to restore traditional values and enforce law and order. One-Nation conservatives also value order, but prefer a softer paternalism that guides rather than coerces. The neo-liberal wing again dissents: it accepts a state strong enough to enforce the law and protect property, but rejects using state power to impose morality on the free individual. On this theme, agreement outweighs disagreement, since three traditions accept that authority should shape behaviour for society’s good. Yet this unity is qualified, because the traditional and neo-conservative approach is arguably closer to authoritarianism than to the caring duty at the heart of paternalism.
- 1Topic sentenceSignals a different balance on this theme, so the answer is not one-sided.
- 2Shared ground, accurately framedBases the agreement on fear of disorder, which is accurate for all strands. It avoids wrongly claiming that the New Right believes in human imperfection.
- 3Thinker and quotation, explainedThe quotation is short and tied straight to the point, rather than used without explanation.
- 4Agreement by different routesTraditional (inherited authority) and neo-conservative (fear of permissiveness): two strands reach hard paternalism for different reasons. This is explained agreement (AO2).
- 5Splitting the New RightNeo-conservatives support moral paternalism; neo-liberals reject it: the internal tension within the New Right (AO1/AO2).
- 6Interim judgement, with nuanceA balanced judgement in favour of agreement on this theme. It then questions whether this is truly paternalism or authoritarianism (AO3).
Paragraph 3. Theme: economic intervention (191 words)
On economic intervention, conservatism is most clearly divided. One-Nation conservatives, applying pragmatism, accepted a mixed economy and the welfare state as practical ways to fulfil the duty of the better-off towards the poor and keep the nation united. Traditional conservatives, whose thinking predates the modern welfare state, supported economic intervention only where it preserved stability, not as a principle. Oakeshott’s pragmatism underpins this cautious approach: rather than following abstract blueprints, government should keep society ‘afloat on an even keel’, adapting to circumstance. By contrast, both wings of the New Right are deeply suspicious of economic paternalism. Neo-liberals favour free-market capitalism, self-reliance and a rolled-back state; Rand argued that rational self-interest is a virtue, so welfare that redistributes from the productive is not merely inefficient but immoral. Neo-conservatives share this hostility, fearing that state welfare breeds dependency and weakens personal responsibility, even as they support state authority on moral questions. The exact point of fracture is whether the state should take responsibility for individuals’ economic welfare. Because this places the whole New Right against One-Nation conservatism on one of the main practical expressions of paternalism, disagreement clearly outweighs agreement on this theme.
- 1Topic sentenceEscalates the argument: the themes build towards the line of argument.
- 2Historical accuracyAvoids wrongly claiming that 18th-century traditional conservatives supported the welfare state (AO1).
- 3Thinker linked to the strandExplains why conservatives accept intervention cautiously, using the link between paternalism and pragmatism.
- 4Comparative pivotA clear contrast between strands (AO2).
- 5Thinker used to explainRand: self-interest as a virtue, so welfare is immoral. Shows that the objection is moral, not just economic, which deepens the analysis (AO2).
- 6Consistency across themesLinks back to paragraph 2 and shows a precise understanding of where the neo-conservatives stand on each theme.
- 7Point of fracturePinpoints the exact disagreement, as the template requires.
- 8Interim judgementA substantiated judgement that feeds the overall line (AO3).
Conclusion (63 words)
Conservatives share a fear of disorder, and most accept that authority should shape behaviour for society’s good. However, their support for paternalism is conditional and inconsistent: hard paternalism on morality, soft paternalism through welfare, and outright rejection from neo-liberals. Because the whole New Right rejects economic paternalism, and its neo-liberal wing rejects the principle entirely, conservatism is more divided than united over paternalism.
- 1Acknowledges the agreementGives the agreement its due, so the final judgement is weighed rather than one-sided.
- 2Draws on all three themesMorality (paragraph 2), welfare (paragraph 3) and the rejection of the premise (paragraph 1). Nothing new or surprising appears.
- 3Measures extent“conditional and inconsistent”, “rejects the principle entirely”: a judgement of degree that justifies the line in the introduction (AO3).
Student checklist
Tick these off as you practise. Ticks are not saved.
Before you write (3–5 minutes)
As you write
0 of 13 ticked
Notes for teachers
Quick marking guide
- Check the limits first.Are there at least two specification key thinkers for this ideology? Is there both agreement and disagreement? If either is missing, the maximum is Level 2 (9 marks).
- Focus:is the whole answer about the theme or concept in the question?
- Structure:is it strand-led and comparative within paragraphs (Levels 4–5), or side by side or storytelling (Levels 2–3)?
- AO2:does it explain why strands agree or disagree?
- AO3:are judgements on extent sustained and substantiated throughout, or only stated at the start and end?
- Place the markby best fit, starting from the middle of the level.
Diagnosing a stuck script
- Strong knowledge, Level 3 mark: usually storytelling or a side-by-side comparison. Rebuild one paragraph around a theme, with both strands compared in every sentence.
- Low AO3 despite good comparison: judgements are missing or only appear at the end. Add an interim judgement to each paragraph, using the “significant/limited because…” stems.
- Capped at 9: check for missing agreement first. It is far more common than missing thinkers.
Classroom activities
- Strand-led rewrite: give students a thinker-led paragraph (“Burke believed… whereas Rand…”) and have them rewrite it led by strands.
- Point-of-fracture drill: for each pair of strands on each of the four themes, students write one sentence starting “The exact point of fracture is…”.
- “Explain the agreement”: students rewrite “All socialists support the state” as “Despite different starting points, all three strands… because…”.
- Extent scale: place each agreement and disagreement on a line from “shallow” to “fundamental”, then use the positions to decide the line of argument.
- Concept bank: keep a running glossary of the core ideas examiners have used as question topics, such as paternalism, fear of the state, democracy, patriarchy, the personal is the political, and the public and private sphere.
- Timed practice: 30 minutes, final question conditions, as every recent report recommends.